非典型就业群体失业保障制度的研究外文翻译资料

 2023-02-19 21:09:03

Nonstandard work arrangements-such as part-time work, temporary employment and contract work-have become an important topic in research and writing on work and employment relations. Nonstandard employment relations (Goldthorpe 1984, Casey 1991, Green et al 1993, Kalleberg et al 2000) have also been referred to as alternative work arrangements (Polivka 1996a, Sherer 1996), market-mediated arrangements (Abraham 1990), nontraditional employment relations (Ferber amp; Waldfogel 1998), flexible staffing arrangements (Abraham 1988, Houseman 1997), flexible working practices (Brewster et al 1997), atypical employment (C6rdova 1986, Delsen 1995, De Grip et al 1997), vagrant or peripheral employment (Summers 1997), vulnerable work (Tregaskis et al 1998), precarious employment (Treu 1992), disposable work (Gordon 1996), new forms of employment (Bron-stein 1991), and contingent work (see Polivka amp; Nardone 1989, Belous 1989).

These labels have in common their identification of employment relations that depart from standard work arrangements in which it was generally expected that work was done full-time,would continue indefinitely, and was performed at the employers place of business under the employers direction. Standard work arrangements were the norm in many industrial nations for much of the twentieth century and were the basis of the framework within which labor law, collective bargaining, and social security systems developed.

Changes beginning in the mid-1970s created conditions that led countries, organizations, and workers to search for greater flexibility in employment. Consequently, the standard employment relationship began to unravel (Rubin 1995,Cappelli et al 1997, Cappelli 1999). Global economic changes increased competition and uncertainty among firms and put greater pressure on them to push for greater profits and to be more flexible in contracting with their employees and responding to consumers. Sluggish economic growth triggered high unemployment that made it clear, especially in Europe, that economies were incapable of generating enough jobs to provide full-time wage employment for all workers (C6rdova 1986). The adoption of nonstandard work was facilitated by technological improvements in communication and information systems that made it easier for organizations to specialize their production, assemble temporary workers quickly for projects, and rely more on outside suppliers. Labor laws designed to protect permanent employees also fueled the growth in nonstandard work by encouraging employers to avoid the mandates and costs associated with these laws (Lee 1996, Cappelli et al 1997). So too did demographic changes in the composition of the labor force, such as the increase in married women workers and older workers, who often preferred the flexibility available through nonstandard work arrangements (Pfeffer amp; Baron 1988).

Nonstandard employment relations are not new. There have always been work arrangements that did not fit the model of full-time work, and history is replete with examples of peripheral labor forces and flexible labor markets in which work is unstable and temporary (Morse 1969, Peck 1996, Summers 1997). For instance, in the inside contracting system that existed in the United States in the nineteenth century, management provided machinery and space in the factory, supplied raw material and capital, and arranged for the sale of the product while contractors were responsible for production and hired the workers and paid and supervised them (Butrick 1952). Employers have a choice between organizing work in markets or hierarchies (Williamson 1980). The efficiencies associated with organizing work in standard, hierarchical employment relations and internal labor markets in the post-World War II period may have been more of an historical irregularity than is the use of nonstandard employment relations. This review surveys recent theory and research on the major kinds of nonstandard work arrangements: part-time work, temporary agency and contract company employment, short-term employment, contingent work, and independent contracting. The literature on these topics is multidisciplinary and includes research by sociologists of work, organizations, occupations, labor markets and social stratification, as well as by economists and psychologists. This review does not cover nonstandard work arrangements such as home working or telecommuting; employee ownership of companies; flexible scheduling such as flextime, job-sharing, home-based work, and compressed workweeks; or clandestine activities such as undeclared, illegal, or family work. An effort has also been made not to cover the material on nonstandard work previously reviewed by Smith (1997).

PART-TIME WORK

Definitions, Incidence, Trends

Part-time work is usually defined as regular wage employment in which the hours of work are less than 'normal' (Thurman amp; Trah 1990). In the United States, part-time work is generally defined as less than 35 hours a week. This definition varies across countries. Canada and the United Kingdom normally use 30 hours as the cutoff for part-time (Kahne 1992). In France, part-time is defined as at least 20% below the statutory level of working hours (which became 35 hours on January 1, 2000), while in Germany it is less than 36 hours of work per week (Houseman 1995). By contrast, part-time employment in Japan is explicitly related to status within the firm and not to hours worked; indeed, recent Japanese surveys indicate that 20-30% of those classified by their employers as 'part-time' actually work as many hours as 'full-time' workers (Houseman amp; Osawa 1998).

Nearly one in five workers in the United States currently works part-time, making it by far the most widely used form of nonstandard work. Part-time work also overlaps with other forms of nonstandard work, such as temporary work. Casey (

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Nonstandard work arrangements-such as part-time work, temporary employment and contract work-have become an important topic in research and writing on work and employment relations. Nonstandard employment relations (Goldthorpe 1984, Casey 1991, Green et al 1993, Kalleberg et al 2000) have also been referred to as alternative work arrangements (Polivka 1996a, Sherer 1996), market-mediated arrangements (Abraham 1990), nontraditional employment relations (Ferber amp; Waldfogel 1998), flexible staffing arrangements (Abraham 1988, Houseman 1997), flexible working practices (Brewster et al 1997), atypical employment (C6rdova 1986, Delsen 1995, De Grip et al 1997), vagrant or peripheral employment (Summers 1997), vulnerable work (Tregaskis et al 1998), precarious employment (Treu 1992), disposable work (Gordon 1996), new forms of employment (Bron-stein 1991), and contingent work (see Polivka amp; Nardone 1989, Belous 1989).

These labels have in common their identification of employment relations that depart from standard work arrangements in which it was generally expected that work was done full-time,would continue indefinitely, and was performed at the employers place of business under the employers direction. Standard work arrangements were the norm in many industrial nations for much of the twentieth century and were the basis of the framework within which labor law, collective bargaining, and social security systems developed.

Changes beginning in the mid-1970s created conditions that led countries, organizations, and workers to search for greater flexibility in employment. Consequently, the standard employment relationship began to unravel (Rubin 1995,Cappelli et al 1997, Cappelli 1999). Global economic changes increased competition and uncertainty among firms and put greater pressure on them to push for greater profits and to be more flexible in contracting with their employees and responding to consumers. Sluggish economic growth triggered high unemployment that made it clear, especially in Europe, that economies were incapable of generating enough jobs to provide full-time wage employment for all workers (C6rdova 1986). The adoption of nonstandard work was facilitated by technological improvements in communication and information systems that made it easier for organizations to specialize their production, assemble temporary workers quickly for projects, and rely more on outside suppliers. Labor laws designed to protect permanent employees also fueled the growth in nonstandard work by encouraging employers to avoid the mandates and costs associated with these laws (Lee 1996, Cappelli et al 1997). So too did demographic changes in the composition of the labor force, such as the increase in married women workers and older workers, who often preferred the flexibility available through nonstandard work arrangements (Pfeffer amp; Baron 1988).

Nonstandard employment relations are not new. There have always been work arrangements that did not fit the model of full-time work, and history is replete with examples of peripheral labor forces and flexible labor markets in which work is unstable and temporary (Morse 1969, Peck 1996, Summers 1997). For instance, in the inside contracting system that existed in the United States in the nineteenth century, management provided machinery and space in the factory, supplied raw material and capital, and arranged for the sale of the product while contractors were responsible for production and hired the workers and paid and supervised them (Butrick 1952). Employers have a choice between organizing work in markets or hierarchies (Williamson 1980). The efficiencies associated with organizing work in standard, hierarchical employment relations and internal labor markets in the post-World War II period may have been more of an historical irregularity than is the use of nonstandard employment relations. This review surveys recent theory and research on the major kinds of nonstandard work arrangements: part-time work, temporary agency and contract company employment, short-term employment, contingent work, and independent contracting. The literature on these topics is multidisciplinary and includes research by sociologists of work, organizations, occupations, labor markets and social stratification, as well as by economists and psychologists. This review does not cover nonstandard work arrangements such as home working or telecommuting; employee ownership of companies; flexible scheduling such as flextime, job-sharing, home-based work, and compressed workweeks; or clandestine activities such as undeclared, illegal, or family work. An effort has also been made not to cover the material on nonstandard work previously reviewed by Smith (1997).

PART-TIME WORK

Definitions, Incidence, Trends

Part-time work is usually defined as regular wage employment in which the hours of work are less than 'normal' (Thurman amp; Trah 1990). In the United States, part-time work is generally defined as less than 35 hours a week. This definition varies across countries. Canada and the United Kingdom normally use 30 hours as the cutoff for part-time (Kahne 1992). In France, part-time is defined as at least 20% below the statutory level of working hours (which became 35 hours on January 1, 2000), while in Germany it is less than 36 hours of work per week (Houseman 1995). By contrast, part-time employment in Japan is explicitly related to status within the firm and not to hours worked; indeed, recent Japanese surveys indicate that 20-30% of those classified by their employers as 'part-time' actually work as many hours as 'full-time' workers (Houseman amp; Osawa 1998).

Nearly one in five workers in the United States currently works part-time, making it by far the most widely used form of nonstandard work. Part-time work also overlaps with other forms of nonstandard work, such as temporary work. Casey (

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