Labour Mobility and Vocational Education and Training in Australia
Author: Kostas Mavromaras Stephane Mahuteau Zhang Wei
原文：
The main purpose of this research is to document and examine statistically the nature of labour mobility, with particular reference to the quality and outcomes of labour mobility during the last decade in Australia. Using data from the 2001—11 Student Outcomes Surveys and multivariate regression analysis, the research focuses on the employment of vocational education and training (VET) participants before and after the completion of their VET study. We define different types of mobility and examine how their prevalence is associated with different levels of vocational education and training. We define different labour market outcomes following each type of mobility to reflect the quality of the job obtained after the VET course. The objective is to derive an empirical measure of lsquo;goodrsquo; versus lsquo;badrsquo; mobility.
Labour mobility is one of the core elements of a well-functioning labour market. It is an essential part of the ability of an economy and a labour market to adapt to changes in the pattern of jobs and of worker skills and preferences. Labour mobility is a complex concept, principally because people change jobs for a variety of reasons, in different ways, and with different outcomes for their lives and careers. The literature abounds with research about the way people move geographically, between employers, occupations, industries, jobs, types of contract, hours worked and, in the most extreme manifestation of mobility, the way they either join or leave the labour force. Labour mobility can occur for positive or negative reasons and can also have positive or negative outcomes. It is crucial for policy to distinguish between them.
Labour mobility has been traditionally perceived to be lsquo;badrsquo; if it has been involuntary (for example, a lay-off) or if it has led to other less desirable labour market outcomes, such as less stable and secure employment, and lsquo;goodrsquo; if it has been voluntary (for example, leaving for a higher-paying or more interesting job) or if it has led to other preferred outcomes. It could equally well be argued, however, that mobility that may be bad for workers (for example, a lay-off during a recession) may be good for their employers, if, for example, this were the only way to avoid bankruptcy. Clearly, labour mobility involves different players, so what may be good mobility and what may be bad mobility will often depend on the point of view of the observer. We define different types of mobility to reflect the different changes in human capital associated with changing jobs. These include changing industry sector only, changing occupation only, changing both sector and occupation and, finally, as a reference category, changing neither occupation nor industry sector. We explain that these changes impact differentially on different types of human capital. For example, an occupation-only change means that the new job after vocational education and training involves doing something new or better (what the literature calls a lsquo;new technologyrsquo;) in the same sector as before the VET course. The implication is that the job change has improved occupation-specific human capital without harming industry sector-specific human capital (that is, networks and experience). In contrast, an industry sector-only change means that the new job after the VET course involves doing the same job but in a new industry sector. Here the implication is that the job change involves the loss of advantages stemming from having established networks and knowing onersquo;s own sector.
To assess whether mobility after participating in vocational education and training has been good or bad we examine whether job quality improves with mobility by comparing several measures of job quality before and after a VET course, focusing on the association between mobility and better pay, better occupational status, a higher chance of full-time employment and a lower chance of casual employment. We argue that a major indicator of the quality of a job is whether it pays well. Hence our first indicator is pay. In recognition of the view that the quality of a job is judged on more than the wage it offers, we incorporate into the research an indicator of the status of the occupation, the ANU Status Scales index. The ANU index captures other, primarily non-pecuniary, aspects of the job. The other two indicators we use are whether mobility has led to a full-time job, which is considered by a large proportion of the workforce to be a preferred type of employment, and whether mobility has led to a non-casual employment contract, which is also considered by a large proportion of the workforce to be a preferred type of employment. We also differentiate between what happened before the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) and after, by splitting our sample between 2001—07 and 2008—11. In several instances, where we judge more detail could help, we split the second part of the sample between 2007—08 (the core financial crisis years for Australia) and 2010—11 (the postfinancial crisis years for Australia).
Our estimation strategy consists of two major estimation parts. The first describes the incidence of mobility by level of VET qualification. It also examines how well vocational education and training fits the expectations of the student and the job the student obtains after the VET course. The second set of estimations examines the association between each of the four specific types of mobility and our selection of labour market outcomes, which we interpret as job-quality indicators, in order to distinguish between good and bad mobility.
The first set of estimations involving the examination of the incidence of different types of mobility suggests that VET completion at certificate III level and above is linked to higher l
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Translation of Emile by Jean-Jacques Rousseau
卢梭《爱弥儿》翻译
原文
If one has any sort of skill, I can think of nothing for which a taste, a very passion, cannot be aroused in children, and that without vanity, emulation, or jealousy. Their keenness, their spirit of imitation, is enough of itself: above all, there is their natural liveliness, of which no teacher so far has contrived to take advantage. In every game, when they are quite sure it is only play, they endure without complaint, or even with laughter, hardships which they would not submit to otherwise without floods of tears. The sports of the young savage involve long fasting, blows, burns, and fatigue of every kind, a proof that even pain has a charm of its own, which bitterness. It is not every master, however, who knows how to season this dish, nor can every scholar eat it without making faces. However, I must take care or I shall bewandering off again after exceptions.
It is not to be endured that man should become the slave of pain, disease, accident, the perils of life, or even death itself, the more familiar he becomes with these ideas the sooner he will be cured of that over-sensitiveness which adds to the pain by impatience in bearing it; the sooner he becomes used to the sufferings which may overtake him, the sooner he shall, as Montaigne has put it, rob those pains of the sting of unfamiliarity, and so make his soul strong and invulnerable: his body will be the coat of mail which stops all the darts which might otherwise find a vital part. Even the approach of death, which is not death itself, will scarcely be felt as such; he will not die, he will be, so to speak, alive or dead and nothing more. Montaigne might say of him as he did of a certain king of Morocco, ' No man ever prolonged his life so far into death. ' A child serves his apprenticeship in courage and endurance as well as another virtue, but you cannot teach children these virtues by name alone; they must learn them unconsciously through experience.
But speaking of death, what steps shall I take with regard to my pupil and the smallpox? Shall he be inoculated in infancy, or shall I wait till he takes it in the natural course of things? The former plan is more in accordance with our practice, for it preserves his life at a time when it is of greater value. at the cost of some danger inoculation when properly performed e can use the word danger with regard to. But the other plan is more in accordance with our general principles-to leave nature to take the precautions she delights in, precautions she abandons whenever man interferes. The natural man is always ready: let nature inoculate him herself, she will choose the fitting occasion better than we. Do not think I am finding fault with inoculation, for my reasons for exempting my pupil from it do not in the least apply to yours. Your training does not prepare them to escape catching smallpox as soon as they are exposed to infection. If you let them take it anyhow, they will probably die. I perceive that in different lands the resistance to inoculation is in proportion to the need for it: and the reason is plain. So, I scarcely condescend to discuss this question with regard to Emile. He will be inoculated or not according to time, place, and circumstances; it is almost a matter of indifference, as far as he is concerned. If it gives him smallpox, there will be the advantage of knowing what to expect, knowing what the disease is; that is a good thing, but if catches it naturally it will have kept him out of the doctorrsquo;s hands, which is better. An exclusive education, which merely tends to keep those who have received it apart mass of mankind, always selects such teaching as is costly rather than cheap, even when the latter is of more use. Thus, all carefully educated young men learn to ride, because it is costly, but scarcely any of them learn to swim, as it costs nothing, and an artisan can swim as well as anyone. Yet without passing through the riding school, the traveler learns to mount his horse, to stick on it, and to ride well enough for practical purposes: but in the water if you cannot swim you will drown. and we cannot swim unless we are taught. Again, you are not forced to ride on pain of death, while no one is sure of escaping such a common danger as drowning. Emile shall beast much at home in the water as on land. Why should he not be able to live in every element? If he could learn to fly, he should be an eagle; I would make him a salamander. if he could bear the heat.
People are afraid lest the child should be drowned while he is learning to swim: if he dies while he is learning, or if he dies because he has not learnt, it will be your own fault. Foolhardiness is the result of vanity: we are not rash when no one is looking does not depend on its danger, he will learn to swim the Hellespont by swimming, Emile will not be foolhardy, though all the world were watching him. As the exercise without any danger, a stream in his fatherrsquo;s park: but he must get used to danger too, so as not to be flustered by it. This is an essential part of the apprenticeship I spoke of just now. Moreover, I shall take care to proportion the danger to his strength, and I shall always share it myself. so that I need scarcely fear any imprudence if I take as much care for his life as for my own. A child is smaller than a man: he has not the manrsquo;s strength or reason. but he sees and hears as well or nearly as well: his sense of taste is very good, though he is less fastidious, and he distinguishes scents as clearly though less sensuously. The senses are the first of our faculties to mature: they are those most frequently overlooked neglected train the senses it is not enough merely to use them: we must learn to judge by their means, to learn to feel, so to speak: for we cannot touch, see, or hear, except as we have been taught.
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