The Information Society, 22: 63–75, 2006
Copyright c Taylor amp; Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 0197-2243 print / 1087-6537 online
DOI: 10.1080/01972240600567170
Participation, Remediation, Bricolage: Considering
Principal Components of a Digital Culture
Mark Deuze
Department of Telecommunications, Indiana University, Bloomington,
Indiana, USA
Within media theory the worldwide shift from a 19th-century print culture via a 20th-century electronic culture to a 21st-century digital culture is well documented. In this essay the emergence of a digital culture as amplified and accelerated by the popularity of networked computers, multiple-user software, and Internet is investigated in terms of its principal components. A digital culture as an under determined pr-axis is conceptualized as consisting of participation, remediation, and bricolage. Using the literature on presumably “typical” Internet phenomena such as the worldwide proliferation of independent media centers (indymedia) linked with (radical) online journalism practices and the popularity of (individ-ual and group) weblogging, the various meanings and implications of this particular understanding of digital culture are explored. In the context of this essay, digital culture can be seen as an emerging set of values, practices, and expectations regarding the way people (should) act and interact within the contemporary network soci-ety. This digital culture has emergent properties with roots in both online and offline phenomena, with links to trends and develop-ments predating the World Wide Web, yet having an immediate impact and particularly changing the ways in which we use and give meaning to living in an increasingly interconnected, always on(line) environment.
Keywords citizen media, cyberculture, Internet culture, new media theory, radical online journalism
In this essay I aim to identify the principal components of an emerging global digital culture as these are expressed in examples of (radical) online journalism, weblogging, and the online praxis of independent media centers. My analysis rests on two key assumptions regarding trends
Received 1 April 2005; accepted 25 October 2005.
Address correspondence to Mark Deuze, Department of Teleco-mmunications, Indiana University, Bloomington, RTV Center 319, 1229 E. 7th St., Bloomington, IN 47405-5501, USA. E-mail: mdeuze@ indiana.edu; URL: http://deuze.blogspot.com
in contemporary new media and social theory. First is the realization that all aspects of everyday life in highly indus-trialized modern societies are to some extent influenced by, and implicated in, computerization. As Manovich (2001, p. 19) states: “Today we are in the middle of a new media revolution—the shift of all culture to computer-mediated forms of production, distribution, and communication.” This culture has been labeled many things—cyberculture by Lacute;evy (2001), information culture by Manovich (2001), interface culture by Johnson (1997), Internet culture by Castells (2001), or virtual culture in cybersociety by Jones (1998), to name but a few. The main problem with most of this work has been the often implicit conflation of “culture”—as in the shared norms, values, practices, and expectations of a group of people—with communication technologies.1 Although I do not want to argue that the use of technology has no consequences for either humans or machines, I do find this argument problematic in that it at times mistakes the new spaces opened up by communica-tions technology for new forms of culture (Calcutt, 1998). Although there is a burgeoning body of literature on all things digital and cultural containing eloquent critiques of technodeterminism, utopianism, or dystopianism (see, for example, Silver, 2000, 2004; Trend, 2001), one is left with an unanswered question: What kind of values and expecta-tions are expressed in this “digital culture” (Gere, 2002)? A second assumption takes into consideration contemporary social changes accelerated by globalization, postnational-ism, and individualization. If one accepts for a moment that these three key trends are constitutive elements of global culture, the implication in the context of new me-dia theory and the literature on digital culture could be that “cyberculture” is in fact not a function of either hu-mans or machines, but an expression of an increasingly individualized society in a globalized world.
In other words, I consider digital culture in the context of this essay as an emerging value system and set of expec-tations as particularly expressed in the activities of news and information media makers and users online, whereas
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64 M. DEUZE
I see the praxis of digital culture as an expression of in-dividualization, postnationalism, and globalization. From this it also follows that I am less interested in the wide variety of things that people do or talk about online than in the values and expectations such communicative acts re-fer to. As primary sources of evidence, I use a case-based approach to:
The literature on the challenges posed by (radi-cal) online journalism inas much as these works refer to the changing relationships between the consumers and producers of news.2
The proliferation of open publishing initiatives as particularly exemplified by the proliferation of independent media centers (IMC, or indy-media) around the world since the 1999 anti-WTO protests in Seattle.3
The popularity of all kinds of individualized sto-rytelling online such as weblogs and podcasts.4
Underlying this discussion of digital culture is a view beyond the consideration of whether or not the various components or elements can be
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he Information Society, 22: 63–75, 2006
Copyright c Taylor amp; Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 0197-2243 print / 1087-6537 online
DOI: 10.1080/01972240600567170
Participation, Remediation, Bricolage: Considering
Principal Components of a Digital Culture
Mark Deuze
Department of Telecommunications, Indiana University, Bloomington,
Indiana, USA
在全世界范围内媒介理论转变是由19世纪的印刷文化到20世纪的电子文化再到21世纪的数字文化,这是有据可查的。在这篇文章中数字文化的出现放大了和加速了网络计算机，多用户软件，和以互联网为主要成分的研究的普及。数字文化作为一个欠定的实践概念，它是由参与，补救和拼装组成的（A digital culture as an under determined pr-axis is conceptualized as consisting of participation, remediation, and bricolage）。利用文献资料，推测“典型”的互联网现象，比如，独立媒体中心的全球扩散（独立媒体）与（自由基）在线新闻实践（个人和团体）和网络日志的流行联系在一起，数字文化各种各样的含义和这个数字文化特殊的理解的影响被探究。the various meanings and implications of this particular understanding of digital culture are explored在本文的上下文中，数字文化可以看作是一组新兴的价值观、实践观和期望值关于在当代网络社会中人们（应该）的行为和互动的方式。这个数字文化在在线和离线的现象中都具有新兴的特性,它与趋势的联系和发展甚至早与万维网，然而有一个最直接的影响和特别的我们使用和赋予意义生活在一个日益相互关联的总是在（线）的环境的方式having an immediate impact and particularly changing the ways in which we use and give meaning to living in an increasingly interconnected, always on(line) environment
在这篇文章中,我的目标在于识别一个新兴的覆盖了全球的数字文化主要成分，比如这些表示在（自由基) 在线新闻、博客和在线实践的独立媒体中心的例子. 我的分析,取决于两个关键假设—关于当代新媒体和社会理论的趋势。在高度工业化的现代社会，首先是认识到的在日常生活中的各个方面都会在一定程度上被计算机影响和牵连。由Manovich（2001，第19页）指出：“今天，我们正处在一个新的媒体革命，所有的文化的转变都是通过计算机媒介的生产，流通和通信的rsquo;rsquo;。 这个文化已经被贴上了很多标签—网络文化Levy（2001年），Manovich信息文化（2001年），Johnson界面文化（1997年），Castells互联网文化（2001），和虚拟网络社会文化Jones（1998），以以上这些名字仅举几例。这项工作的大部分内容和主要问题是 “文化” 通常被隐藏和合并—就像在共享的规范、价值观、实践,和期望下的一群人—伴随通信技术。The main problem with most of this work has been the often implicit conflation of “culture”—as in the shared norms, values, practices, and expectations of a group of people—with communication technologies
虽然我不想争辩说，技术的使用对人类或者机器是没有结果的，但是我确实发现这个论点有问题，这个问题在于人们在有些时候通过电脑技术错误地打开了新的空间和新形式的文化(Calcutt, 1998)。虽然有一个新兴的文献概况了所有事情，但是数字文化包含了一个令人信服的技术决定论的批评，天堂或地狱。Although there is a burgeoning body of literature on all things digital and cultural containing eloquent critiques of technodeterminism, utopianism, or dystopianism
（看,例如，Silver，2000年，2004年，Trend，2001年），一个是剩下的未解决的问题：“数字文化”表达了什么样的价值观和期望因子（Gere，2002年）？第二个假设是考虑到全球化，后民族主义化和个体化加速了当代社会变迁。在一个全球化的世界，如果一个人接受了这三个主要趋势是全球文化的构成要素，那么在新媒体理论和数字文化的背景下“网络文化”其实就不是一个人或机器的功能，而是一种越来越个性化的社会表达
换句话说，我认为数字文化在本文背景下和一种新兴的价值体系和设定的期望值一样，具体表现在新闻与信息的传播者以及用户活动上，然而我认为数字文化的实践是一个个性化，后民族主义和全球化的表达式。从这一点上，我不太感兴趣，在各种各样的事情，人们做或谈论网上比指的是价值观和期望这样的交际行为。people do or talk about online than in the values and expectations such communicative acts refer to 作为证据的主要来源，我使用的是基于案例的方法：
在线新闻给文学带来的挑战和这些作品一样指的是改变新闻的消费者和生产者之间的关系
在世界范围内，自从1999年在西雅图抗议WTO开始，公开出版的活动特别以独立媒体中心作为扩散(整合营销传播或者独立媒体) 。各种个性化的在线讲故事开始流行，如博客和播客。
潜在的这个数字文化讨论是一个观点是在各种组件或元素是否可以被视为“新的考虑之外的。Underlying this discussion of digital culture is a view beyond the consideration of whether or not the various components or elements can be considered “new正如我在这篇文章中的解释，在数字环境中的行为和期望不是品牌的新现象，新现象是跳进第一台电脑上线的那一刻behaviors and expectations in digital environments are not brand new phenomena that jumped into being the moment the first computer went online。也不都是数字文化的主成分 ，特别是生产和任一商业，知识共享或者开源的新闻和信息的消费。Nor are the principal components of a digital culture particular to the production and consumption of either commercial, creative commons or open-source news and information. 这些组件必须被看作是普遍的，历史的，如Lessig（2004年，第184）解释说：“ 在未来十年，我们将看到数字科技爆炸.这些技术将使得几乎所有人都可以捕捉和共享内容。捕捉和分享内容，当然,自从人类已经完成人类的黎明。is what humans have done since the dawn of man这就是教我们如何学习和交流。但是，通过数字技术，捕捉和共享是不同的。本文旨在捕捉关于文化的不同和紧急，文化的基本元素是一直都存在的. This essay aims to capture what is different and emergent about a culture whose basic elements have always been there
主成分
虽然在此，分析宏观层面的方法没有考虑到不同类型的文化在这些不同的情况中的行为的复杂性，但是必须明确的是，所有关于在线网络新闻业，公开发布平台，和博客圈的小故事的例子都有不同和相似的特性，这一特性可以绘制一个图表在一个开放的与封闭式轴以及绘制个人与集体的关系图轴（见Deuze，2003年，第205页）。然而，这已经超出了本文的目的，我想超越特殊性和普遍性的规范，价值观和期望的方式可以被认为是数字文化的主要组成部分。I would like to move beyond particularities to generalities in the ways in which norms, values, and expectations
我的主成分分析的灵感来自两个来源：em-piry和理论.在统计学中,主成分分析（PCA）是用于识别数据，通过分层组织的方差，从而只选择那些显示分析的最大方差分量设置模式的技术。社会理论，特别是在Luhmann 的工作中（1990年），主要成分被视为社会系统的基本组成是“转型为自己”(Mingers，2003年，第404页）。Luhmann认为主成分作为可辨别的要素参与在一个复合统一通过沟通的组成，Luh-mann considers principal components as the discernible elements participating in the composition of a composite unity through communication
在本文中的所指的数字文化的新价值体系，是表达和（转载）通过博客，公开出版，并通过提供的连接（基）在线记者。因此，主成分的概念实施，在数字文化中实现实际的参与，是识别的关键。关于我的分析，例如，博客和公开出版意味着的独立媒体网站的行为本身并不构成数字文化，但优先值以及期望别人怎样（应该）的行为的人作为行为参考。the preferred values as well as the expectations of how others act those acts refer to
虽然在主成分分析或者是 Luhmann的 自我再生的社会系统理论中这一处理没有公平的对待丰富的文献，我提供这些引用作为选择特定的情况下我的方法的标记，并突出这些特定的行为的现象，归因于质量和重量特定的行为和解释这种行为，而忽略了其他的解释。这一点，在短期，是一种通过考虑在网络新闻，公开出版，博客上的案例研究来识别模式的方法，然后用它来分析（因此权限）某些规范的价值观和预期的做事方式。同时，这模式描述了一个与它相同的模式改变它的形状，通过压印广义的价值观和期望，我承认我忽视了这些不同形式,和各种各样的表达式的类型，博客、开放式出版和“做”网络新闻的体裁和方法。the pattern described equals a pattern changing its shape; by coining generalized values and expectations I admittedly overlook the variety of expressions these get in different forms, genres, and ways of blogging, open publishing, and “doing” online journalism.例如，数字文化的主成分可以被视为人们为了实践和实现这些价值观的做法（Virno，2004）的需要，是为了有一个相对自由的独立识别的身份（Bauman，2004，p. 84）来参与“生活政治”（政治身份）（Giddens1991，p. 209ff）。
网络新闻，独立媒体和博客
数字文化在电子或数字媒体中表达，在日常生活中如此根深蒂固，以至于他们消失了(Reeves amp; Nass, 1996; Papper et al., 2004).Lievrouw and Livingstone (2002)敦促我们去看看我们的“新媒体”环境依照工件或者设备来支持和扩展我们的沟通能力；交流活动或者实践我们从事于开发和使用这些设备，社会安排和组织形式围绕设备和实践。Lievrouw and Livingstone (2002) urge us to look at our “new media” surroundings in terms of “the artifacts or devices that enable and extend our abilities to communicate; the communication activities or practices we engage in to develop and use these devices, and the social arrangements or organizations that form around the devices
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